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qaran24.com » Opinion » Somalia Ethical Failures in Politic
Opinion

Somalia Ethical Failures in Politic

Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)By Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)11 September 2024No Comments6 Mins Read
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“Somalia Ethical Failures in Politics: Bribery and Election Manipulation of MPs and Senators”

Somalia Ethical Failures in Politics The election of Members of Parliament (MPs) and Senators in Somalia has been marred by corruption, notably the exchange of money for votes. The country’s election system faces several significant issues that compromise its integrity and democratic processes. State leaders frequently display bias in the nomination and appointment of senators and MPs, favouring individuals who support their personal or political agendas, thereby undermining the principle of fair representation. Biased appointments are intensified by senators and MPs paying state leaders to secure their elections, creating a corrupt system where financial influence supersedes merit and public interest.

In addition, elections are often manipulated, with results frequently fabricated to ensure the victory of favoured candidates. This manipulation was closely tied to state leaders appointing their affiliates to critical positions, ensuring that government decisions serve their interests rather than the general population. These issues collectively contributed to a deeply flawed electoral system that stifles actual democratic governance and perpetuates corruption and nepotism. This corrupt election system organised by the clan and state leaders violates the Somali Provisional Constitution 2012, condemns corruption and establishes the Anti-Corruption Commission to combat it in public offices. However, the commission’s effectiveness is questioned due to limited resources and political interference.

The 4.5 clan power-sharing system has facilitated corruption in the election system. The primary role of the 4.5 clan power-sharing formula in Somali politics is to allocate parliamentary seats among significant clans. Despite its aim to ensure equitable representation, the 4.5 system has been hijacked by greedy leaders which affected a transparent system with corruption. Candidates frequently take advantage of clan loyalties by bribing clan elders and influential figures to secure nominations and votes.

This practice perpetuates a cycle of corruption where financial power supersedes merit and democratic principles. For example, the 2021-2022 parliamentary elections in Somalia saw widespread allegations of corruption. According to a whistle-blower, a significant number of MPs and Senators elected during this period were alleged involved in corrupt practices, paid substantial sums exchange for votes. This pervasive corruption erodes public trust in the electoral process and governmental institutions. Addressing these allegations is crucial for restoring integrity and confidence in our democratic system

Somali law includes mechanisms to hold MPs and Senators accountable for corruption, such as the Anti-Corruption Commission and judicial oversight. However, these mechanisms often suffer from political interference and insufficient resources, undermining their effectiveness. It is therefore crucial for the international community to get engaged in helping the Somali government. Somalia is a signatory to international treaties emphasising anti-corruption, including the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC). Somali civilian norms, which are deeply rooted in traditional and clan-based structures, also play a significant role. Although these norms can sometimes be exploited for corrupt practices, they also provide a basis for accountability. Community leaders and civil society organizations are essential in promoting transparency and ethical behaviour among elected officials.

 Hypocrisy in Somali Politics: 

it is disgraceful that MPs and Senators, who gained power through corrupt practices, frequently address the issue of corruption in parliament, mainly when they do not obtain ministerial positions. Those elected through corruption lack the ethical and moral grounds to discuss corruption. Some of the current MPs and Senators have no moral authority to speak about government corruption, given their corrupt election methods. This hypocrisy underscores the systemic nature of the problem. Furthermore, MPs elected through corrupt practices should not deceive the public by denouncing government corruption. Doing so not only betrays public trust but also perpetuates a cycle of dishonesty and misinformation. Such actions are fundamentally deceptive and undermine efforts to address the root causes of corruption. When an elected official who paid bribes condemns corruption, it forces a broader reflection on the political system’s integrity. These actions could stimulate discussions on comprehensive electoral reform and establishing mechanisms for accountability and transparency.

Proposed Election System One Man, One Vote:

The president’s new proposal to implement a one-person, one-vote system is a beacon of hope in the fight against corrupt practices. This system would empower individual voters and diminish the influence of clan elders and financial power in elections. By enabling every citizen to vote directly, the democratic process would become more transparent and representative. This reform could significantly reduce corruption, as candidates would need to appeal to the broader electorate rather than relying on financial transactions to gain votes. Embracing this system could lead to a more equitable and trustworthy political environment in Somalia.

In conclusion,

the election of Somali MPs and Senators through corruption poses significant challenges to democratic governance and development. Tackling this corruption in the Somali election system requires an adequate legal and institutional framework, advanced international anti-corruption standards, and harnessed civilian norms. Somalia can progress towards a more democratic and equitable political system by enhancing accountability mechanisms and encouraging a culture of transparency. The Somali people need to identify the MPs and senators who have been elected through corrupt means. These MPs and senators elected through corrupt practices should not deceive the public by denouncing government corruption, yet they are fruits of the same tree. Elected officials who recognize and publicly denounce corruption can significantly contribute to this transformation by emphasizing the critical need for systemic reform to establish a trustworthy and effective government.

All this information, including the election corruption and MPs and Senators elected through corruption, was received from a whistle-blower, shedding light on the extent of corruption within the Somali parliamentary elections and the urgent need for reform. According to the whistleblower protected under applicable whistleblower protection laws, : “A significant number of MPs and Senators elected during this period were allegedly involved in corrupt practices, paying substantial sums in exchange for votes. This pervasive corruption severely undermines public trust in the electoral process and governmental institutions. Addressing these allegations is crucial for restoring integrity and confidence in our democratic system. Therefore, abolishing the 4.5 system and implementing the one-person, one-vote system is necessary. This would go a long way to eliminating the corrupt practices that have plagued Somali elections.

Somalia Ethical Failures in Politic
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Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)
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Abdullahi M Hassan ( Abdullahi Yabarow), Legal Researcher, Co-founder and Director of the Federal Dialogue, the National Unity Programme, and the Legal Office at Mowlac Forum, a Somali-based research organisation. He holds a Master of Laws (LLM) and is a legal researcher, political scholar, and international legal advisor. His expertise includes public international law, human rights law, and federal dialogue processes, focusing on legal reform, governance, and state-building in post-conflict and transitional contexts. Abdullahi remains dedicated to advancing inclusive governance, legal development, and the rule of law through research, advocacy, and strategic legal counsel at national and international levels.

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Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

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Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed-Yey Matalaan, Maxayse Beesha Caalamka K a Doonayaan?

27 July 2026
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

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12 May 2026
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