• About WordPress
    • WordPress.org
    • Documentation
    • Learn WordPress
    • Support
    • Feedback
  • Log in
  • AMP
    • View AMP version
  • Edit Home Page
Close Menu
Qaran24 News
  • Home
  • Warka
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Business
  • Contact Us
  • About us
  • Authors
  • Privacy Policy
Categories
  • Authors
  • Awdal State
  • Business
  • Galmudug
  • Hirshabelle
  • legal opinion
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Puntland
  • Somalia
  • Somaliland
  • SSC Khaatumo
  • Warka
X (Twitter)
X (Twitter)
Qaran24 News
  • Home
  • Warka
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Business
  • Contact Us
  • About us
  • Authors
  • Privacy Policy
Monday, July 27
Qaran24 News
  • Home
  • Warka
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Authors
  • About us
  • Contact Us
qaran24.com » Opinion » Ethiopia’s Border Security and Arms Smuggling Obligations
Opinion

Ethiopia’s Border Security and Arms Smuggling Obligations

Ethiopia's Border Security and Arms Smuggling Obligations
Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)By Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)17 July 2024No Comments9 Mins Read
Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr WhatsApp VKontakte Email
Opinion: Abiy Ahmed’s Leadership is Steering Ethiopia Toward Collapse
Opinion: Abiy Ahmed’s Leadership is Steering Ethiopia Toward Collapse
Share
Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Pinterest Email
Ethiopia’s obligations under international law and norms regarding border security and arms smuggling.

Ethiopia’s failure to control arms smuggling across its borders, particularly into Somalia, is not merely a regional security issue but a significant breach of various international legal and normative frameworks. This is a matter of grave concern as it undermines the very fabric of international law. However, this rampant armed trafficking also presents an opportunity for positive change. We can significantly reduce conflict and instability in Somalia by addressing this issue and upholding the United Nations Charter, African Union (AU) principles, and broader international law. The persistent insecurity worsened by illicit arms flows can be mitigated, directly contributing to regional peace and stability. This essay critically examines the specific articles and provisions Ethiopia may violate due to its failure to curb arms smuggling into Somalia, shedding light on the broader implications for international and regional security. Additionally, it explores potential international responses, including arms embargoes, targeted sanctions, and the accountability of business individuals involved in the arms trade. It also underscores the crucial role of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister in failing to protect national borders, emphasizing the need for his accountability in this issue.

United Nations Charter: Breaches and Responsibilities

The United Nations Charter, as the foundational treaty of the United Nations, lays down critical principles for keeping international peace and security. Several articles are pertinent to Ethiopia’s situation:

Article 2(4): Prohibition of Threat or Use of Force

This article emphasizes prohibiting the threat or use of force against any state’s territorial integrity or political independence. Arms smuggling that contributes to violence and instability in Somalia can be seen as indirectly undermining this principle. Ethiopia’s inability to control arms trafficking may inadvertently support armed groups in Somalia, fostering conditions that threaten regional stability and peace.

Article 2(7): Principle of Non-Intervention

This article asserts the principle of non-intervention in states’ domestic affairs. While Ethiopia may not be directly intervening, its inability to prevent arms smuggling can be perceived as indirectly affecting Somalia’s sovereignty and stability. The failure to secure borders against illegal arms transfers not only compromises Somalia’s efforts to maintain internal security and governance but also undermines its sovereignty. This indirect impact of arms smuggling on Somalia’s stability and sovereignty is a crucial aspect of the broader implications of Ethiopia’s failure to control arms trafficking.

Chapter VII (Articles 39-51): Powers of the Security Council.

This chapter outlines the Security Council’s powers to address threats to peace, breaches of the peace, and acts of aggression. The continuous flow of arms into Somalia, fostering insecurity, could trigger Security Council action under these articles. Ethiopia’s lax border controls could be construed as contributing to a situation that necessitates international intervention.

African Union Principles: Regional Frameworks and Obligations

The African Union, through its Constitutive Act and related treaties, provides a regional framework for peace, security, and cooperation among African states:

Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act: Right to Intervene

This article allows for intervention by the AU in a member state in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. If arms smuggling leads to such atrocities in Somalia, the AU could have grounds to intervene. Ethiopia’s inaction might indirectly support conditions that warrant such intervention.

Article 4(j) of the AU Constitutive Act: Peaceful Resolution of Conflicts

This provision allows for the peaceful resolution of conflicts through dialogue and cooperation among member states. Ethiopia’s failure to curb arms smuggling undermines regional peace and security, violating this principle. The proliferation of arms fosters conditions that make peaceful conflict resolution more difficult.

AU Border Programme (AUBP): Enhancing Border Governance

Launched to enhance border governance and promote peace and security, this initiative underscores the importance of effective border control. Ethiopia’s inability to manage its borders contradicts the objectives of the AUBP. By failing to address arms smuggling, Ethiopia undermines regional initiatives aimed at strengthening border security.

International Law: Treaties and Conventions

Under international law, various treaties and conventions address the responsibilities of states to prevent arms smuggling and ensure regional security:

The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC): Obligations to Combat Crime

This convention obliges states to combat transnational organized crime, including arms trafficking. Ethiopia’s failure to control arms smuggling can be seen as a breach of its obligations under UNTOC. The persistent flow of illegal arms across its borders signifies a lack of effective measures to combat organized crime.

The Arms Trade Treaty (ATT): Regulating Arms Trade

This treaty regulates the international trade in conventional arms and aims to prevent illicit trade and diversion. Ethiopia’s inability to prevent arms smuggling to Somalia potentially violates its commitments under the ATT. The uncontrolled spread of arms exacerbates conflicts and undermines peacebuilding efforts.

International Norms: Upholding Peace and Security

International norms emphasize the responsibilities of states to maintain regional peace and security:

Responsibility to Protect (R2P): Protecting Populations

This norm stipulates that states have a responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Arms smuggling that exacerbates violence and instability in Somalia can be seen as a failure of Ethiopia’s responsibility under R2P—the continued instability fuelled by illegal arms trade places civilian populations at risk.

Principle of Good Neighbourliness’: Preventing Harm to Neighbours

This customary international law principle requires states to prevent activities within their territory that could harm neighboring states. Ethiopia’s border control failures and Somalia’s insecurity have breached this principle. Effective border management is essential to maintaining peaceful and cooperative international relations.

International Responses: Arms Embargoes, Smart Sanctions, and Accountability

Given Ethiopia’s failure to control arms smuggling, the international community could consider imposing arms embargoes, targeted sanctions, and holding accountable business individuals involved in the illegal arms trade to compel compliance and enhance regional security:

Imposing Arms Embargoes on Ethiopia

An arms embargo on Ethiopia could be a critical step in preventing the flow of arms into Somalia. This would involve a ban on the sale, transfer, and supply of arms and related materials to Ethiopia. The United Nations Security Council, leveraging its Chapter VII powers, could enact such an embargo to curb the proliferation of illicit arms and stabilize the region. An arms embargo serves as a direct and forceful measure to cut off the supply chains that enable armed groups to acquire weapons, thereby reducing violence and instability.

Moreover, the imposition of an arms embargo on Ethiopia would signal a robust international stance against the nation’s failure to manage its borders effectively. Such a measure underscores the importance of national responsibility in upholding global peace and security. The legal basis for an arms embargo can be found in the UN Charter, particularly under Chapter VII, which authorizes the Security Council to take enforcement measures to maintain or restore international peace and security.

Implementing Smart Sanctions: Accountability for Top Ethiopian Officials

Innovative or targeted sanctions focus on individuals and entities responsible for arms smuggling and those within the Ethiopian government who fail to address this issue. These measures could include asset freezes, travel bans, and restrictions on financial transactions. By targeting those culpable, smart sanctions minimize broader economic impacts while exerting pressure on critical actors to follow international obligations.

Holding top Ethiopian officials accountable, including the Prime Minister, is crucial. As the head of government, the Prime Minister bears significant responsibility for the country’s failure to protect its borders against arms smuggling. International responses could involve calls for international inquiries, diplomatic pressure, and even potential charges in international courts if evidence suggests complicity or negligence. Such actions highlight the principle of individual accountability in international law, ensuring that those in positions of power cannot evade responsibility for their actions or inactions.

Holding Business Individuals Accountable

Any business individuals involved in arms smuggling, whether from Ethiopia, Somalia, or other countries, should be held accountable. International warrants could be issued to prosecute these individuals under international law. This would involve cooperation between international legal bodies, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC), and national governments to apprehend and prosecute those responsible for fuelling regional conflicts through illegal arms trade. Holding these actors accountable is crucial for disrupting the networks, facilitating arms smuggling, and deterring future violations.

Finally

Ethiopia’s inability to control arms smuggling into Somalia presents significant challenges under various international legal and normative frameworks. Ethiopia undermines regional stability and security by failing to curb illicit arms flows, breaching its obligations under the UN Charter, African Union principles, and international law. This failure highlights the urgent need for Ethiopia to enhance its border control measures and collaborate more effectively with regional and global partners.

Strengthening border security is not just a matter of national interest for Ethiopia but a crucial step in upholding international legal standards and promoting lasting peace in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia can fulfill its global responsibilities through committed and cooperative efforts and contribute to a more secure and stable region. Robust and proactive measures, including potential arms embargoes, targeted sanctions, holding accountable business individuals involved in arms smuggling, and ensuring the accountability of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, are essential to prevent further destabilization and provide a peaceful and secure future for all countries in the region. Effective enforcement of international laws and norms is vital to maintaining global peace and security, and Ethiopia must rise to meet these standards.

In conclusion, the international community must adopt a multifaceted approach to address Ethiopia’s failure to control arms smuggling. Imposing arms embargoes, implementing smart sanctions targeting top Ethiopian officials, and holding business individuals accountable are critical steps to ensure compliance with international law and norms. By taking these actions, the international community can help stabilize the region, protect civilian populations, and promote a sustainable and peaceful future for Somalia and its neighbors.

Turkiga
Ethiopia’s Border Security and Arms Smuggling Obligations

 

 

Share. Facebook Twitter Pinterest LinkedIn Tumblr WhatsApp Email
Previous ArticleThe Arms Trade in Somalia
Next Article Al-Shabaab’s Departure from Islamic Principles
Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)
  • X (Twitter)

Abdullahi M Hassan ( Abdullahi Yabarow), Legal Researcher, Co-founder and Director of the Federal Dialogue, the National Unity Programme, and the Legal Office at Mowlac Forum, a Somali-based research organisation. He holds a Master of Laws (LLM) and is a legal researcher, political scholar, and international legal advisor. His expertise includes public international law, human rights law, and federal dialogue processes, focusing on legal reform, governance, and state-building in post-conflict and transitional contexts. Abdullahi remains dedicated to advancing inclusive governance, legal development, and the rule of law through research, advocacy, and strategic legal counsel at national and international levels.

Related Posts

Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War

Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War

27 July 2026
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

The Somali Future Council- Whom Does It Represent, and What Is It Asking of the International Community?

27 July 2026

Muqdisho iyo Horumarka Amniga: Guulaha Jira iyo Musuqmaasuqa Qarsoon ee Baraha Kontoroollada

12 May 2026

What Defines Somali Identity: Clan, Islam, or the Modern State?

5 May 2026
Leave A Reply Cancel Reply

Don't Miss
Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War Warka
3 Mins Read

Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War

By Osman Omar27 July 202603 Mins Read

Following reports that the United States intends to end its support for UN assistance to…

Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed-Yey Matalaan, Maxayse Beesha Caalamka K a Doonayaan?

27 July 2026
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

The Somali Future Council- Whom Does It Represent, and What Is It Asking of the International Community?

27 July 2026
Somaliland oo Wajahaysa Xiisado Siyaasadeed, Dhaqaale iyo Amni

Somaliland oo Wajahaysa Xiisado Siyaasadeed, Dhaqaale iyo Amni

26 July 2026

Muqdisho iyo Horumarka Amniga: Guulaha Jira iyo Musuqmaasuqa Qarsoon ee Baraha Kontoroollada

12 May 2026
  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Pinterest
  • Instagram
  • YouTube
  • Vimeo
About Us
About Us

Qaran24 is is a reputable news website dedicated to providing accurate and timely information to its readers

Email Us: info@qaran24.com
Contact: +252-710000789

Facebook X (Twitter) Instagram YouTube TikTok
Titles
  • Authors
  • Awdal State
  • Business
  • Galmudug
  • Hirshabelle
  • legal opinion
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Puntland
  • Somalia
  • Somaliland
  • SSC Khaatumo
  • Warka
Recent Post
  • Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War
  • Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed-Yey Matalaan, Maxayse Beesha Caalamka K a Doonayaan?
  • The Somali Future Council- Whom Does It Represent, and What Is It Asking of the International Community?
  • Somaliland oo Wajahaysa Xiisado Siyaasadeed, Dhaqaale iyo Amni
  • Muqdisho iyo Horumarka Amniga: Guulaha Jira iyo Musuqmaasuqa Qarsoon ee Baraha Kontoroollada
X (Twitter)
  • Home
  • Warka
  • News English
  • Opinion
  • Business
  • Contact Us
  • About us
  • Authors
  • Privacy Policy
copyright @ 2024-2026. Qaran24. All rights reserved Designed by Abdikarin Dahir.

Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.