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qaran24.com » Opinion » Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution
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Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution

Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution and International Law, Undermining National Development
Qaran24By Qaran2426 October 2024Updated:27 December 2024No Comments7 Mins Read
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Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution and International Law, Undermining National Development
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Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution and International Law, Undermining National Development

With recent actions taken by Puntland, one of its federal member states, Somalia’s constitutional integrity and stability face a significant challenge. In a move that defies Somalia’s Provisional Constitution and disrupts international legal norms, Puntland has asserted unilateral control over resource management and foreign negotiations domains constitutionally reserved for the federal government. This bold stance risks Somalia’s unity and stability and jeopardises the nation’s path toward economic progress and diplomatic credibility on the global stage. As Somalia stands at a crucial juncture in its development, Puntland’s actions raise urgent questions about the balance of power, regional autonomy, and the collaborative spirit essential to the success of a functional federal system.

In a recent press release, Puntland—a federal member state within Somalia, issued a statement challenging the federal government’s authority over resource management and regional autonomy. This stance violates Somalia’s Provisional Constitution and contravenes international norms that recognise the federal government as the sole representative of Somalia in global affairs. Puntland’s actions present a constitutional and legal crisis, threatening Somalia’s national stability, federal structure, and international credibility by asserting unilateral control over resources and independently negotiating with foreign entities.

Background: Puntland’s Broader Political Stance Puntland’s leadership, particularly under its current administration, has consistently opposed several key initiatives to strengthen Somalia’s federal institutions and international standing. Despite Puntland’s objections, the Somali Federal Government has independently achieved these milestones, underscoring the nation’s resilience and determination to progress.

  • Debt Relief: Puntland opposed Somalia’s efforts to secure debt relief through international frameworks. This process would alleviate a portion of the nation’s financial burden and enable investments in critical infrastructure and social services. Nonetheless, the Somali government successfully navigated the debt relief process and secured financial concessions from international creditors, facilitating economic recovery and development without Puntland’s backing.
  • Lifting of the Arms Embargo: Puntland’s leadership resisted lifting Somalia’s arms embargo. This longstanding restriction limited the federal government’s capacity to build a unified national defence against terrorism and internal threats. Despite Puntland’s opposition, Somalia achieved a partial lifting of the arms embargo, enhancing its security capabilities and enabling the federal government to take more effective action in stabilising the country
  • Membership in the East African Community (EAC): Puntland also opposed Somalia’s bid to join the EAC, a regional intergovernmental organisation that facilitates trade, economic cooperation, and political stability across East Africa. Despite this resistance, the Somali Federal Government achieved full membership in the EAC, paving the way for enhanced economic integration, improved trade relations, and increased regional cooperation to benefit Somalia’s economy and security.
  • Constitutional Amendments and Federal Reforms: Puntland’s leadership has also been averse to critical amendments to the Provisional Constitution, which aim to clarify the federal structure, delineate powers more precisely, and strengthen the framework for cooperative governance. Despite these objections, the Somali Federal Government has made progress on constitutional reforms, building a more robust federal framework supporting national unity and effective management.

These achievements highlight the Somali government’s capacity to advance critical national goals independently of Puntland’s opposition. This pattern of resistance to federal initiatives that would strengthen Somalia’s institutions, improve national security, and enhance its regional standing raises concerns that Puntland’s leadership is hindering its progress toward a more stable and prosperous future.

Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution and International Law, Undermining National Development
Puntland’s Actions Violate Somalia’s Constitution and International Law, Undermining National Development

Background: Somali Federal Government and Federal Member States Sign Resource-Sharing Agreement

On June 5, 2018, the Somali Federal Government and its federal member states, including Puntland, signed a landmark resource-sharing agreement titled “Heshiiska Lahaanshaha, Maamulka Iyo Wadaaga Dakhliga Kheyraadka Dabiiciga ah ee Dalka (Shidaalka iyo Macdanta)”. This agreement provided a comprehensive framework for the ownership, management, and revenue-sharing of Somalia’s natural resources, focusing on oil and minerals. The key provisions of this agreement were intended to ensure that all federal member states would benefit equitably from the nation’s natural resources while reinforcing the federal government’s role in international dealings and resource management.

Key Provisions of the 2018 Agreement:

  1. Ownership (Lahaanshaha): The agreement establishes that the Somali people own Somalia’s natural resources collectively. The federal government, however, serves as the sole representative in ownership matters, ensuring that the central government maintains oversight and authority, as mandated by Somalia’s Provisional Constitution.
  2. Management (Maamulka): The document outlines a cooperative management framework between the federal government and member states, entrusting the Federal Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources and relevant state-level agencies with responsibilities in policy formulation, licensing, and regulatory activities. This structure aims to foster centralised governance while allowing member states to participate in resource management, supporting a unified approach across the nation.
  3. Revenue Sharing (Wadaaga Dakhliga): A significant aspect of the agreement is the revenue-sharing model, which allocates income from resources among the federal government and member states. Specific percentages are defined for different categories, such as offshore and onshore oil revenue, royalties, signing bonuses, and other resource-related revenues. This equitable distribution ensures that all regions benefit from national resources, thus supporting broader socio-economic growth and national unity.
  4. Financial Management (Maamulka Maaliyadeed): Financial proceeds from resource activities must be deposited into a central account within Somalia’s banking system to maintain transparency and trust. This measure ensures that revenues are transparently managed and accounted for, with regular reporting to all stakeholders.

This 2018 agreement reflects Somalia’s commitment to fostering unity and stability by establishing a cooperative resource management and revenue-sharing approach. It aligns with Articles 44 and 50 of the Provisional Constitution, which advocates for a balanced and cooperative federal framework. Puntland’s recent actions to bypass this agreement by asserting independent control over resources and engaging in separate foreign negotiations directly contravene these constitutional principles and threaten the carefully balanced framework that the 2018 agreement established.

 

 

  1. Undermining Somalia’s Path to a Strong Federal State

A functional federal system is critical for Somalia’s peace, stability, and prosperity. The Provisional Constitution’s framework balances federal and regional powers to ensure the nation can work collectively towards national objectives. Puntland’s refusal to operate within this framework sets a dangerous precedent, potentially encouraging other states to act unilaterally and disregard the federal government’s authority.

Such fragmentation undermines Somalia’s ability to address pressing issues like security, economic development, and governance reform effectively. A cooperative approach between federal member states and the central government is essential to building trust and ensuring that all regions benefit from national progress. Puntland’s actions risk fostering division, destabilising the federal system, and hindering Somalia’s long-term development.

Conclusion

Puntland’s unilateral actions challenge the foundation of Somalia’s federal system, undermining the Provisional Constitution and obstructing the federal government’s authority in resource management and international representation. By resisting critical national advancements such as debt relief, lifting the arms embargo, and East African Community membership, Puntland’s leadership has positioned itself in opposition to Somalia’s efforts to strengthen its institutions and improve its international standing. Despite this resistance, the Somali Federal Government has achieved significant milestones independently, demonstrating resilience and commitment to national progress.

The 2018 resource-sharing agreement was designed to foster unity, equitable development, and cooperative governance across Somalia, ensuring that all regions benefit from the country’s natural resources. Puntland’s defiance violates this agreement and risks creating fragmentation that could destabilise Somalia’s hard-won progress. Such actions have far-reaching implications, threatening to deter foreign investment, weaken Somalia’s bargaining power, and erode trust in the federal system.

For Somalia to realise its vision of a peaceful, prosperous, and united nation, all federal member states must commit to upholding constitutional principles and working within the established legal framework. Puntland has a crucial role in this national journey, but it must align its actions with the shared goals of stability, development, and federal cooperation. Only through adherence to the Provisional Constitution and collaborative governance can Somalia build a resilient federation capable of overcoming its challenges and securing a brighter future for all its citizens. By respecting the constitutional framework, Puntland can benefit its own people and contribute meaningfully to Somalia’s collective strength, stability, and progress on the world stage.

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Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. 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Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

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Following reports that the United States intends to end its support for UN assistance to…

Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed-Yey Matalaan, Maxayse Beesha Caalamka K a Doonayaan?

27 July 2026
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

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12 May 2026
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