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qaran24.com » Opinion » Ethiopia’s Overreach into Somalia
Opinion

Ethiopia’s Overreach into Somalia

Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)By Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)11 September 2024No Comments9 Mins Read
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Ethiopia’s Overreach into Somalia: A Breach of Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity

Recent developments in the Horn of Africa have sparked significant concerns regarding Ethiopia’s actions and intentions toward Somalia. Ethiopia’s involvement, especially through a newly signed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with Somalia’s northwest region, is perceived as a direct violation of Somalia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. This move is not only provocative but also highlights Ethiopia’s growing ambitions in the region, which have been met with resistance from the Somali government.
Response to Ethiopia’s Statement
Ethiopia’s criticism of the international community, especially the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), for allegedly ignoring its repeated appeals and those of other Troop Contributing Countries (TCCs) is not only misleading but also a bold attempt to shift blame away from its own destabilizing activities in Somalia. Ethiopia’s claim of unfair treatment by the international community needs to be examined in the context of its recent actions, which have directly contributed to the instability it now condemns.
Ethiopian troops should not be allowed to be part of New AU led mission (AUSSOM) for the following reasons:

  1. Ethiopia’s Role as an Instigator: Ethiopia has played a key role in the current tensions in Somalia by bypassing the central government and engaging directly with the northwest region, thereby undermining Somali sovereignty. Ethiopia’s actions have not only breached international standards but have also exacerbated the fragile situation in the region, which it now professes to be concerned. The reluctance of the international community to back Ethiopia’s position stems from the clear recognition that Ethiopia is not an impartial player in this crisis; rather, it is a primary instigator.
  2. Misleading Criticism of the International Community: Ethiopia’s complaints about the AU and UN supposedly overlooking its concerns are misleading. In fact, Ethiopia has faced widespread criticism for actions that violate Somalia’s sovereignty and breach international law. The AU and UN are cautiously responding to Ethiopia, recognizing that its actions are likely driven by strategic self-interest rather than a genuine concern for regional stability. Although Ethiopia presents itself as a victim, it is in fact the aggressor, contributing to the destabilization of Somalia.
  3. Ethiopia’s Double Standards: Ethiopia’s statement suggests that it is being unjustly asked to overlook antagonistic remarks and destabilizing actions from others. However, it is Ethiopia itself that has acted as the aggressor, taking actions that have directly destabilized Somalia. Ethiopia cannot claim to be a stabilizing force while simultaneously undermining Somalia’s central government and promoting regional fragmentation. This hypocrisy exposes Ethiopia’s double standards and raises doubts about its true commitment to peace and stability in the region.
  4. Ethiopia’s Attempts to Shift Blame: Ethiopia is strategically maneuvering to use the international community as a scapegoat for Somalia’s ongoing issues, effectively deflecting scrutiny from its own controversial actions. By choosing to engage directly with regional authorities in Somalia, rather than working through the Somali government, Ethiopia has undermined Somalia’s sovereignty and contributed to the destabilization of the country. This direct intervention has not only exacerbated internal conflicts but has also intensified regional tensions. Ethiopia’s public criticism of the international community serves as a calculated distraction, redirecting focus away from its own significant role in perpetuating instability in Somalia. This approach allows Ethiopia to avoid accountability for its actions while simultaneously manipulating the narrative to its advantage.
  5. The Real Motive Behind Ethiopia’s Statements: Ethiopia’s frequent appeals to the international community are not sincere requests for peace but strategic moves to gain support for its interests in Somalia. The country’s focus appears to be on securing its own objectives, like maritime access and influence in Somali territories, rather than promoting true stability. By criticizing the AU and UN, Ethiopia aims to damage the credibility of these organizations, hoping to weaken their authority and allow its own actions to proceed without opposition.
  6. Ethiopia’s Actions Speak Louder Than Words: Although Ethiopia’s statement emphasizes the importance of stability, its actions contradict this claim. By signing an MOU with Somalia’s northwest region without the Somali government’s approval, Ethiopia is directly undermining Somali sovereignty. This action not only destabilizes Somalia but also risks creating a troubling precedent for neighboring countries. If Ethiopia genuinely cared about stability, it would honor Somalia’s sovereignty and engage through proper diplomatic means instead of adopting actions that promote division and instability.
  7. Undermining the Authority of the African Union and the United Nations: Ethiopia’s criticism of the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN) is not merely an exercise in deflecting blame; it is a calculated strategy to undermine the authority and legitimacy of these pivotal international institutions. By actively challenging their actions and decisions, Ethiopia is directly confronting the organizations tasked with maintaining peace and stability in the region. This approach represents a significant risk, as it threatens to weaken the international community’s ability to effectively respond to and manage crises in the Horn of Africa. The international community must recognize that Ethiopia’s critiques are part of a broader effort to erode opposition to its disruptive and aggressive policies. In light of this, it is crucial to consider the implications of allowing Ethiopian troops to participate in the New AU-led mission (AUSSOM). Their involvement could further compromise the mission’s effectiveness and potentially exacerbate the very conflicts it aims to address, thereby undermining the stability and peace efforts in the region.
  8. The Importance of Holding Ethiopia Accountable: The international community, particularly through institutions such as the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), must play a crucial role in ensuring that Ethiopia is held accountable for its actions and interventions in Somalia. Ethiopia’s attempts to deflect responsibility and criticize the international community’s responses should not obscure its central role in contributing to the current instability in Somalia. Despite Ethiopia’s efforts to shift the narrative, the focus should remain on its substantial involvement in exacerbating the situation. The AU and UN have a fundamental responsibility to uphold and reinforce the principles of Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity. They must steadfastly resist any attempts by Ethiopia to undermine these principles in pursuit of its own strategic or political interests. By maintaining a firm stance, the AU and UN can help ensure that Somalia’s path to stability and self-determination is not derailed by external pressures or manipulations.
  9. Reaffirming the International Community’s Commitment to Somali Sovereignty: The international community must reassert its dedication to Somali sovereignty in response to Ethiopia’s destabilizing measures. Ethiopia’s attempts to sideline the Somali government and interact directly with regional authorities should be denounced, with the international community making it clear that these actions are unacceptable. The AU and UN should persist in their support of Somalia’s central government and work towards bolstering its authority, ensuring that Somalia’s sovereignty is upheld by all regional players.
  10. Ethiopia’s Responsibility for the Precarious Situation in the Region: Ethiopia’s claim that the region’s precarious state is due to the international community’s lack of action is a clear misrepresentation of the facts. The instability in the region is primarily a consequence of Ethiopia’s own actions, which have undermined Somali sovereignty and exacerbated regional turmoil. Ethiopia should be held responsible for its contribution to this situation, and its efforts to shift the blame should be dismissed.
  11. The Need for a Strong International Response: The international community needs to take a firm stance against Ethiopia’s actions and rhetoric. Ethiopia’s attacks on the AU and UN are attempts to discredit these organizations and diminish their commitment to opposing Ethiopia’s aggressive policies. It is crucial for the international community to persist in backing Somalia’s sovereignty and to counter Ethiopia’s destabilizing actions. This demands a united and coordinated approach to demonstrate that Ethiopia’s behavior will not be accepted.
  12. Arms Smuggling and Destabilization: Reliable reports indicate that arms smuggling across the Ethiopia-Somalia border is worsening the situation. Weapons smuggled into Somalia through these illegal routes frequently fall into the hands of Al-Shabaab, the militant group that has long threatened Somalia’s peace and stability. This unlawful flow of arms directly hampers the Somali government’s counterterrorism efforts, which have been making progress against Al-Shabaab. Ethiopia’s inability to control arms smuggling threatens regional stability and counterterrorism efforts, endangering Somali citizens and bolstering Al-Shabaab.
  13. The Threat to Counterterrorism Efforts: The continuous arms smuggling across the Ethiopia-Somalia border, with the risk of weapons reaching Al-Shabaab, poses a serious challenge to counterterrorism efforts in Somalia. Al-Shabaab, a terrorist group known for numerous attacks and considerable instability, has been considerably weakened by the Somali government’s stringent counterterrorism measures. The influx of arms from Ethiopia risks undoing progress by strengthening Al-Shabaab and weakening the Somali government’s stabilization efforts, thereby threatening both the Somali people and international counter-terrorism efforts in the region.
  14. Crimes committed by Ethiopian intervention forces: Between 2006 and 2008, Ethiopian intervention forces, alongside African Union (AU) troops and Transitional Federal Government (TFG) forces under Abdullahi Yusuf, committed widespread crimes against civilians in south-central Somalia. Reports from organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International documented numerous atrocities, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and sexual violence. Civilians faced indiscriminate bombings and widespread displacement due to the intense military operations targeting Islamist insurgents and their supporters. Despite the gravity of these violations, there has been a notable lack of accountability for the perpetrators, contributing to a prolonged cycle of impunity and suffering in the region.

Conclusion
Ethiopia’s attempts to criticize the international community for allegedly ignoring its calls are nothing more than a cynical ploy to deflect attention from its own destabilizing actions. Ethiopia’s role in infringing upon Somalia’s sovereignty is clear, and its actions have directly contributed to the precarious situation in the region. The international community must see through Ethiopia’s rhetoric and hold it accountable for its actions, ensuring that Somali sovereignty is respected and that peace and stability are maintained in the Horn of Africa. Accorsing to many Somalis, Ethiopia does not have good intentions towards Somalia and they have over the years done everything possible to ensure Somalia never stabilizes. In addition, Ethiopia’s internal challenges, such as ethnic conflicts and political instability, demand focused attention and resources, making it impractical to commit to an external peace mission at this time. Ethiopia should also respect that Somalia is a sovereign nation and has the right to choose the countries to be engaged for the peacekeeping mission.

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Abdullahi M Hassan (Abdullahi Yabarow)
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Abdullahi M Hassan ( Abdullahi Yabarow), Legal Researcher, Co-founder and Director of the Federal Dialogue, the National Unity Programme, and the Legal Office at Mowlac Forum, a Somali-based research organisation. He holds a Master of Laws (LLM) and is a legal researcher, political scholar, and international legal advisor. His expertise includes public international law, human rights law, and federal dialogue processes, focusing on legal reform, governance, and state-building in post-conflict and transitional contexts. Abdullahi remains dedicated to advancing inclusive governance, legal development, and the rule of law through research, advocacy, and strategic legal counsel at national and international levels.

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Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

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