Author: Osman Omar

Osman Omar is a versatile professional renowned for his expertise across multiple disciplines including OSINT investigation, cybersecurity, network management, real estate deals, HVAC consulting, insurance producer applied sciences, and fact-checking. His multifaceted career reflects a dedication to excellence, innovation, and integrity.

Somalia’s Stronger Army Still Needs the Tools to Finish the War

Following reports that the United States intends to end its support for UN assistance to the African Union mission in Somalia after 2026, concerns have grown that Al-Shabaab could exploit a security vacuum. Yet testimony from the front line offers a different assessment. Somalia’s National Army is no longer weaker than the insurgency in direct combat. Its real disadvantage is insufficient manpower, mobility and logistical capacity to control the country’s vast rural terrain. Rather than maintaining foreign forces indefinitely, international partners should begin transferring more resources toward building a larger and self-sustaining Somali military. One soldier making that argument is…

Read More
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee,…

Read More
Falanqayn uu qoray Somali Insider Warqad furan oo uu Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed 27-kii Luulyo 2026 u diray dalalka ciidamada iyo booliska ku biiriya Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya—AUSSOM. Waxay daaha ka rogtay weji cusub oo uu galay khilaafka siyaasadeed ee Soomaaliya. Goluhu warqadda kuma uusan koobin madaxda Uganda, Kenya, Itoobiya, Jabuuti, Burundi iyo Masar. Nuqullo ayuu sidoo kale u diray Midowga Afrika, IGAD, waddamada Afrika ku metela Golaha Ammaanka, Maraykanka, Ingiriiska, Midowga Yurub, Turkiga iyo hay’adaha Qaramada Midoobay. Dusha sare, farriintu waa mid macquul u muuqata: in heshiis siyaasadeed oo Soomaali leedahay uu saldhig u noqdo kala-guurka amniga. Hase yeeshee, marka si taxaddar leh loo akhriyo, warqaddu wada-hadal oo keliya ma dalbanayso. Waxay beesha caalamka ka codsanaysaa inay cadaadis saarto Dowladda Federaalka, taageertana dhismaha gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka iyo doorashooyinka. Halkaas waxaa ka dhalanaya su’aasha ugu muhiimsan: Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed muxuu matalaa, yaase awood u siiyay inuu magaca shacabka Soomaaliyeed kula hadlo dowlado shisheeye? Siyaasiyiin miisaan leh, balse aan haysan mandat dadweyne Golaha Mustaqbalka Soomaaliyeed waxaa la aasaasay bishii Oktoobar 2025. Waxaa ku mideysan Madaxweynaha Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni, Axmed Maxamed Islaam—Axmed Madoobe, Madaxweynihii hore Shariif Sheekh Axmed, ra’iisul-wasaareyaal hore iyo siyaasiyiin kale oo mucaarad ah. Kulankii Golaha ee Kismaayo waxaa ka qaybgalay Xasan Cali Khayre, Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, Cabdi Faarax Shirdoon iyo Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Kuwani ma aha siyaasiyiin aan la aqoon. Qaar ayaa dalka soo hoggaamiyay, halka kuwo kalena ay weli maamulaan dowlad-goboleedyo. Sidaas darteed, codkooda si fudud looma iska indho tiri karo. Laakiin saameyn siyaasadeed iyo matalaad dadweyne isku mid ma aha. Goluhu weli ma uusan soo bandhigin taageeradiisa iyadoo lagu cabbiray doorasho toos ah. Siyaasiyiintiisa Muqdisho jooga kuma laha magaalada awood fulineed ama ciidan. Maamulka Jubaland awooddiisa dhabta ahi waxay inta badan ku urursan tahay Kismaayo iyo deegaanno kooban. Puntland waxay maamushaa dhul ballaaran, balse iyaduna waxay wajahaysaa muranno siyaasadeed, caqabado amni iyo cadaadis dhaqaale. Sidaas awgeed, Golaha Mustaqbalka waa isbahaysi mucaarad oo muhiim ah, laakiin ma aha hay’ad qaran oo si toos ah loo doortay. Xubnihiisu waxay leeyihiin xaq ay ku mucaaradaan, ku abaabulmaan, kuna tartamaan doorashada. Laakiin mucaaradnimadu ma siinayso awood ay si joogto ah ugu hor istaagaan xuquuqda muwaadiniinta ee ah inay codkooda dhiibtaan. Maxay warqaddu dhab ahaan dalbanaysaa? Warqaddu waxay xambaarsan tahay saddex dalab oo waaweyn. Marka koowaad, Goluhu wuxuu doonayaa in waddamada taageera AUSSOM ay kaalmadooda amni ku xiraan heshiis siyaasadeed oo cusub. Marka labaad, wuxuu ku baaqayaa in la dhiso gole ku-meel-gaar ah oo loo dhan yahay, kaas oo kormeera isbeddelka dastuurka, doorashooyinka iyo kala-guurka hay’adaha qaranka. Marka saddexaad, wuxuu ku eedaynayaa Dowladda Federaalka inay siyaasadaysay Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo hay’adaha kale ee dowladda. Wuxuu sidoo kale ku doodayaa in ciidamada Puntland iyo Jubaland, oo ay weheliyaan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka ee furimaha ku dagaallamaya, aan la siin taageeradii ku filnayd ee ay ugu baahnaayeen dagaalka Al-Shabaab iyo Daacish. Eedeymahan waa kuwo culus. Haddii ay jiraan caddeymo lagu taageerayo, waa in si madax-bannaan loo baaro. Hase yeeshee, warqaddu lafteedu ma soo bandhigayso caddeyn ku filan oo xaqiijinaysa dhammaan sheegashooyinka la jeediyay. Waxaa kaloo walaac leh in muran siyaasadeed oo gudaha ahi lagu xiro mustaqbalka hawlgalka Afrika ee la dagaallamaya argagixisada. Taasi waxay dhalin kartaa in taageerada amniga loo adeegsado qalab lagu cadaadiyo dowladda si ay u aqbasho dalabaadka mucaaradka. Khilaafka siyaasadeed waa in lagu xalliyaa wada-hadal, dastuur iyo doorasho—ma aha in lagu ciyaaro badbaadada ciidamada dagaalka kula jira Al-Shabaab. Laba aragti oo ku loollamaya mustaqbalka dalka Khilaafka maanta ka jira Soomaaliya ma aha oo keliya dagaal u dhexeeya Villa Soomaaliya iyo koox siyaasiyiin ah. Waa loollan u dhexeeya laba aragti oo kala duwan. Dowladda Federaalka waxay doonaysaa in Soomaaliya laga gudbiyo nidaamkii doorashada dadban, kaas oo xildhibaannada lagu soo xuli jiray odayaal, ergooyin kooban iyo heshiisyo qabiil. Waxay ku doodaysaa in awooddaas loo wareejiyo shacabka iyadoo la hirgelinayo qof iyo cod. 25-kii Diseembar 2025, Muqdisho waxaa ka dhacday doorashadii deegaanka ee tooska ahayd ee ugu horreysay tan iyo 1969. In ka badan 900,000 oo qof ayaa la sheegay inay isdiiwaangeliyeen, inkastoo mucaaradku dhaliilay habka loo maamulay iyo maqnaanshaha heshiis siyaasadeed oo ballaaran. Doorashooyin toos ah ayaa sidoo kale laga hirgeliyay ama loo diyaariyay qaybo ka mid ah Koonfur Galbeed, halka Galmudug ay ka socdaan ololeyaal iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo siyaasadeed. Waxaa cad in qof iyo cod uusan hadda ahayn hadal lagu qurxiyo fagaaraha. Wuxuu yeeshay diiwaangelin, ururro siyaasadeed, musharraxiin iyo olole ay dadku ka qaybgalayaan. Golaha Mustaqbalka wuxuu qabaa in isbeddelka dastuurka iyo nidaamka doorashadu u baahan yihiin heshiis siyaasadeed oo loo dhan yahay, halkii ay Dowladda Federaalka kaligeed dejin lahayd xeerarka tartanka. Walaacaas waa in la maqlo. Doorasho aan furanayn, aan lagu kalsoonayn ama aan lahayn tartan dhab ah waxay abuuri kartaa khilaaf cusub. Qof iyo cod magac ahaan loo qabto, balse natiijadiisa hore loo sii og yahay, ma aha dimuqraadiyad. Laakiin heshiis la’aanta siyaasiyiinta looma adeegsan karo marmarsiiyo lagu sii hayo nidaam shacabka ka saaraya go’aanka dalkooda. Doorashadii dadbanayd yaa ka faa’iidi jiray? Nidaamkii dadbanaa wuxuu awoodda ku ururiyay gacanta odayaal, ergooyin, madax dowlad-goboleedyo, siyaasiyiin iyo maalgeliyeyaal. Muwaadinka caadiga ahi cod ma lahayn. Wuxuu daawanayay iyadoo mustaqbalkiisa lagu kala iibsanayo hoteello, guryo gaar loo leeyahay iyo shirar albaabadu u xiran yihiin. Nidaamkaasi wuxuu abuuray suuq siyaasadeed ay lacagtu saameyn weyn ku lahayd cidda baarlamaanka gasha. Waxa kale oo uu u furay maalgelin aan daahfurnayn—mid gudaha iyo mid dibaddaba—inay go’aamiso cidda matalaysa shacabka. Qof iyo cod keliya ma xallinayo qabyaaladda, musuqmaasuqa iyo faragelinta shisheeye. Laakiin wuxuu ugu yaraan siyaasiga ku qasbayaa inuu shacabka hor tago, codkoodana weydiisto. Taasi waa tallaabo laga soo qaaday qolalka heshiisyada laguna dhaqaaqay dhinaca waddada, xaafadda iyo sanduuqa codbixinta. Horumarka waa la dhaliili karaa, laakiin lama dafiri karo Warqadda Golaha Mustaqbalka waxay sawiraysaa dal ku jira burbur siyaasadeed, balse si yar ayay u xusaysaa horumarka ka socda Soomaaliya. Bangiga Adduunku wuxuu sheegay in Soomaaliya ay horumar ka samaysay dhismaha hay’adaha, dib-u-habeynta dhaqaalaha iyo maaraynta maaliyadda dowladda. Isla markaas, wuxuu ka digay saboolnimada, amni-darrada, isbeddelka cimilada iyo hoos u dhaca gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhaqaalaha Soomaaliya waxaa la saadaaliyay inuu koro 2.8% sannadka 2026 iyo 3.1% sannadka 2027. Muqdisho weli ma aha magaalo dhib kasta ka gudubtay. Hase yeeshee, ganacsiga, dhismaha, maalgashiga iyo nolosha bulshada ayaa muuqata inay ka firfircoon yihiin sidii hore. Magaalo sannado badan astaan u ahayd burburka ayaa maanta si tartiib ah dib ugu soo ceshanaysa shaqadeedii caasimadnimo. Horumarkaas macnihiisu ma aha in dowladda laga aamuso khaladaadkeeda. Laakiin mucaaradnimaduna ma aha inay qofka ku khasabto inuu dafiro wax kasta oo wanaagsan oo dalka ka socda. Dowladda waa in lagula xisaabtamaa hufnaanta doorashooyinka, xorriyadda siyaasadeed, dastuurka iyo ilaalinta mucaaradka. Sidoo kale Golaha Mustaqbalka waa in la weydiiyaa: muxuu yahay qorshihiisa beddelka ahi? Yaa shacabka uga wakiishay? Sideese gole ku-meel-gaar ahi uga duwanaanayaa heshiisyadii hore ee xilalka loogu qaybsan jiray isla siyaasiyiinta? Maxay beesha caalamku Golaha ula hadlayso? Dalalka shisheeye Golaha Mustaqbalka ulama xiriiraan sababtoo ah wuxuu caddeeyay inuu haysto taageerada aqlabiyadda shacabka. Waxay ula xiriiraan sababtoo ah Soomaaliya weli waa dowlad federaal ah oo nugul, Puntland iyo Jubalandna waxay leeyihiin muhiimad juqraafiyeed iyo mid amni. Deeq-bixiyeyaashu waxay ka baqayaan in khilaafka siyaasadeed uu wiiqo dagaalka Al-Shabaab ama uu abuuro qalalaase cusub. Waa walaac la fahmi karo. Laakiin raadinta xasillooni degdeg ahi marar badan waxay Soomaaliya dib ugu celisay halkii ay ka soo dhaqaaqday. Marka dowladda dhexe isku daydo isbeddel weyn, waxaa soo noqda baaqii ahaa: “Marka hore siyaasiyiinta hala heshiisiiyo.” Natiijadu waxay noqotaa in siyaasiga awooda inuu wax carqaladeeyo la siiyo miisaan ka weyn kan muwaadinka doonaya inuu si nabad ah u codeeyo. Beesha caalamku waa inay fududeyso wada-hadalka, laakiin ma aha inay noqoto garsooraha ugu dambeeya ee siyaasadda Soomaaliya. Mustaqbalka dalka waa inuu ku xirnaadaa dastuurkiisa, hay’adihiisa iyo codka dadkiisa—ma aha raalli ahaanshaha safaaradaha. Wada-hadal haa, awood diidmo joogto ah maya Isbarbardhigga mararka qaar lagu sameeyo Suudaan wuxuu leeyahay xad. Ciidamada RSF waa ciidan hubeysan oo dagaal ba’an kula jira dowladda Suudaan, halka Golaha Mustaqbalka uu yahay isbahaysi siyaasadeed oo sharci ah. Dowladda Soomaaliya mucaaradkeeda ulama dhaqmi karto sida jabhad hubeysan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, hal mabda’ ayaa muhiim ah: wada-hadalku ma siin karo koox aan doorasho qaran ku imaan awood ka sarreysa hay’adaha dowladda. Wada-hadalku waa inuu hagaajiyaa nidaamka, furaa tartanka, yareeyaa khilaafka oo ilaaliyaa xuquuqda mucaaradka. Waa inuusan noqon hab mar kasta lagu burburiyo hay’adaha marka siyaasiyiin awood leh ay diidaan geeddi-socodka socda. Doorashada hala saxo—yaan laga noqon Dowladda Federaalka waxaa saaran masuuliyad culus. Waa inay xaqiijisaa in doorashooyinka soo socda ay yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, daahfuran, tartan dhab ah leh, si madax-bannaanna loo kormeero. Mucaaradku waa inuu helaa xorriyad uu ku abaabulo xisbiyo, ku soo bandhigo musharraxiin, ku ololeeyo, ula socdo codbixinta, uguna gudbiyo cabashooyinka hay’ado lagu kalsoonaan karo. Haddii dowladda ay maamusho musharraxiinta, guddiyada iyo natiijada, qof iyo cod wuxuu noqonayaa magac qurux badan oo aan wax macne ah lahayn. Golaha Mustaqbalkuna waa inuu ka gudbaa shirarka siyaasiyiinta iyo waraaqaha loo dirayo dibadda. Haddii xubnihiisu aaminsan yihiin inay shacabka taageero ka haystaan, waa inay dhistaan xisbiyo, soo bandhigaan qorshe cad, una tartamaan codka muwaadiniinta. Soomaaliya uma baahna in mucaaradka la aamusiiyo. Sidoo kale uma baahna in hay’adaha dowladda loo gacan geliyo koox kasta oo awood u leh inay carqalad abuurto. Waxay u baahan tahay dowlad lala xisaabtami karo, mucaarad mas’uul ah, sharci qof walba ka sarreeya iyo muwaadin leh cod la tixgeliyo. Heshiis siyaasadeed waa muhiim. Laakiin heshiis aan shacabka cod siinayn waa heshiis siyaasiyiin—ma aha heshiis qaran. Beesha caalamku waa inay Soomaaliya ku taageertaa inay horay u socoto, halkii ay mar kasta dib ugu celin lahayd nidaamkii ay isku dayaysay inay ka gudubto. Dowladda hadda jirta waa in lagu cadaadiyaa inay hagaajiso doorashada, ee ma aha inay ka tanaasusho. Waa in la taageeraa dadaalka lagu dhammaystirayo qof iyo cod, lagu xoojinayo dagaalka Al-Shabaab, laguna dhisayo hay’ado ka cimri dheer madaxda maanta joogta. Mustaqbalka Soomaaliya laguma go’aamin karo waraaq loo kala diro caasimadaha shisheeye. Waxaa lagu go’aaminayaa codka shacabka Soomaaliyeed.

Analysis by a Somali Insider An open letter sent by the Somali Future Council to countries contributing troops and police to the African Union Support and Stabilization Mission in Somalia AUSSOM, has opened a new chapter in Somalia’s political confrontation. The letter, dated July 27, 2026, was addressed to the leaders, defence ministers and military chiefs of Uganda, Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Burundi and Egypt. Copies were also sent to the African Union, IGAD, African members of the UN Security Council, the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Türkiye and United Nations missions. On the surface, the Council’s message…

Read More
Holding Ground or Losing It: A Data-Driven Look at Somalia's Security Leadership and the Fight Against Al-Shabaab

There’s a difference between fighting a war and appearing to fight one. A closer look at Somalia’s recent security leadership reveals two distinct patterns: territorial loss under previous command structures and territorial consolidation under current leadership. When examined in terms of operational outcomes rather than rhetoric, the contrast becomes difficult to ignore. During the tenure of Abdullahi Sanbaloolshe and other dismissed commanders, such as former Somali national army commander General Odawaa, multiple strategically significant areas fell out of government control. Some of these locations were neither remote nor indefensible; they were populated, well-known, and, in some cases, deeply connected to…

Read More
Somalia’s Quiet Reconstitution

There are moments in a nation’s life when change does not announce itself with spectacle, but instead unfolds with a quiet, deliberate persistence. Somalia today appears to be entering such a moment. For much of the past three decades, the country has been defined not by coherence, but by fragmentation—its political authority diffused, its national identity diluted, and its institutional capacity severely attenuated. Sovereignty, in many respects, became a negotiated concept, mediated through clan structures and regional power centers rather than anchored in a unified state. It is within this historical context that the leadership of Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and…

Read More
Somalia Begins Offshore Drilling, Betting on Oil to Rewrite Its Future

MOGADISHU, Somalia — In the late afternoon, when the heat softens and the city exhales, children gather along the beach in Mogadishu. They kick a worn ball across the sand, drift toward the water, and, every so often, glance up at the horizon. There, barely breaking the line between sea and sky, sits a ship. It is not large from this distance. It does not announce itself. But it has altered the way people talk—quietly, cautiously—about what might come next. For years, Somalia’s offshore oil and gas reserves existed as a kind of national rumor: mapped in studies, discussed in…

Read More
Counter-IED System Developed by Somali and Turkish Engineers

Officers from the Somali National Army, working alongside Turkish military electrical engineers, have developed a new system aimed at neutralizing improvised explosive devices (IEDs) used by Al-Shabaab. These roadside bombs, often buried along key routes, have caused significant casualties and operational challenges for Somali forces. The new system is based on intelligence gathered from captured bomb-makers and technical analysis of their devices. How Al-Shabaab IEDs Operate According to field intelligence and engineering analysis: The Counter-IED System The newly developed system targets the electrical mechanism of these explosives. This system can disable or neutralize IEDs from a distance of up to…

Read More
Muqdisho iyo Miisaanka Qaranka, Qofkii Bixiya, HaGo’aamiyo

Waxaa jirta su’aal si aamusnaan ah uga dhex wareegaysa siyaasadda Soomaaliya—su’aal aan si dhab ah loo wajihin, balse go’aamin karta jihada dalka: yaa dhab ahaantii qaada culayska dhaqaale ee dowladnimada, yaase leh awoodda go’aan qaadashada? Muqdisho maanta ma aha oo kaliya caasimad siyaasadeed; waa xarunta dhaqaale ee dalka. Dakhliga ka yimaada dekedda, garoonka, iyo dhaqdhaqaaqa ganacsiga ayaa laf-dhabar u ah miisaaniyadda federaalka. Dowladda shaqaynaysa maanta—hay’adaha jira, adeegyada socda, waxay si weyn ugu tiirsan yihiin canshuurta laga soo ururiyo magaalada. Laakiin xaqiiqadan dhaqaale waxaa la socda khilaaf siyaasadeed. Siyaasiyiin ka kala yimid gobollada qaar ayaa doonaya saameyn buuxda oo federaal, iyagoo…

Read More
Sida Lagu Garto In Computer-kaaga Windows ah La Jabsaday, Iyo Sida Aad Uga Ilaashan Karto

Dunida dijitaalka ee maanta, computer-kaaga ma aha kaliya qalab ee waa aqoonsigaaga, shaqadaada, iyo noloshaada gaarka ah. Xaqiiqda murugada lehna waa tan: dadka badankood ma ogaan karaan in nidaamkooda la jabsaday ilaa waxyeelladu dhacdo ama ay gali waayeen computer kooda.. Khatarta cyber-ka mar walba isma muujiso. Mararka qaar waxay ku timaadaa isbeddello yar yar oo qarsoon, aamusnaan leh, sahalna loo iska indho-tiro. Laakiin calaamadahaas yar yar waa muhiim. Fahamkoodu waa tallaabada ugu horreysa ee aad isku difaaci karto. Sida Loo Garto Calaamadaha Digniinta Nidaam Windows ah oo la jabsaday badanaa wuxuu u dhaqmaa si ka duwan midka caadiga ah .…

Read More
The African Union mission cannot have it both ways

Mogadishu; Somalia Follow the Mandate—or Leave: Somalia’s Sovereignty Isn’t Optional Somalia is no longer stuck in the ruins people remember. The country is moving, pushing back Al-Shabaab, reopening roads, rebuilding institutions, and proving that the federal government is no longer symbolic. But right in the middle of that progress, there’s a contradiction that’s too obvious to ignore. In cities like Kismayo, Baydhabo, and Jowhar, African Union forces are present, yet the authority of the federal government doesn’t fully apply. Local leaders operate with protection but without full accountability to Mogadishu. That’s not stability. That’s a system working against itself. And…

Read More
Jiilkii 2000 iyo Jiilka Maanta: Fursadda Aad Haysataan

1. Xusuustii Maalintii Rajada. Markii madaxweyne Cabdiqaasim salaad Muqdisho Yimid Waxaan ahaa teenager sanadkii 2000. Dad badan ayaa xasuusta maalintaas, laakiin dhalinyaradii waqtigaas joogtay si gaar ah ayay u xasuustaan. Magaalada oo dhan waxaa ka muuqday rajo cusub. Markii uu hadlay, wuxuu yiri eray ay dad badani qalbigooda ku reebeen: “Soomaaliya ceel uma qodna, cidina uma maqna.” Eraygaas dhalinyaradii Muqdisho joogtay si dhab ah ayay u qaateen xaqiiqda waqtigaa jirteyna way aheed Waxaan u arkeeynay in waqtigii mugdiga uu soo dhammaanayo. Boqolaal iyo boqolaal dhalinyaro ah ayaan soo buuxinnay garoonka Muqdisho. Qof walba wuxuu lahaa hal riyo: in nabad iyo…

Read More